The flyover of U.S. B-52 bombers on Wednesday, accompanied by Israeli F-15 fighter jets as a show of unity of forces against Iran, does not indicate a policy shift on the part of the Biden Administration.
While the American bombers were airborne, Iranian proxies in Yemen launched explosive drones at Saudi oil fields.
And just a week earlier, 15 such drones exploded in a residential area in the kingdom's capital of Riyadh.
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Then-U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry meeting with his Iranian counterpart Mohammad Javad Zarif in 2015
(Photo: Reuters)
Earlier still, the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels attacked a Saudi international airport in the south of the country, prompting European condemnation, even as Iranian forces attacked an Israeli-owned vessel in the Gulf.
Before leaving his post in January, former secretary of state Mike Pompeo named the Houthis in Yemen a terror organization. But that decision was reversed by his successor Antony Blinken just days after the Saudi airport was attacked.
Blinken cited humanitarian considerations in his announcement, but there is little doubt that the move was part of the administration's new foreign policy agenda.
There are two separate alliances existing in parallel in the Middle East. One is the alliance of Sunni nations and Israel, united by their opposition to Iran's growing military strength. The other is an alliance of nations with the Islamic Republic and includes Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
Iran's ambassador to Russia met last week with Hamas senior official Mousa Abu Marzook and the Islamic Jihad chief Ziad al-Nahala during a visit to Moscow. It is safe to assume they did not discuss steps to advance peace in the region.
But the Biden administration still chose to revert to the failed policies of appeasement of the Obama era.
Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei chanted "Death to America" at a rally in Tehran this month, and a Revolutionary Guard commander appeared on television announcing that the destruction of Israel was non-negotiable. But still officials in Washington turned a blind eye.
The administration tapped Rob Malley, one of the architects of the 2015 nuclear deal, to be U.S. President Joe Biden's point man on Iran, something that outweighs the show of unity on display for the flyover.
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Israeli F-15 jets accompany U.S. B-52 bombers during flyover earlier this month
(Photo: IDF Spokesperson's Unit)
After Trump imposed crippling sanctions on Tehran, Iran lost 6% of its GDP in 2018 and 7% in 2019. If sanctions were to remain in place, the Islamist rule there may collapse (although it may take some time).
Negotiations on a modified agreement that will likely not end Iran's nuclear ambitions will do little to curb Tehran's growing military strength or its regional aggression, and will make it even more dangerous.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is correct to call Iran the greatest threat Israel faces, but despite tactical achievements in the fight against Iranian aggression, Netanyahu's policies were a complete strategic failure.
The Iranians never compromise, they are always on the offensive. But European nations are fooled by Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif's smiles - and Washington may be fooled too.
Israel must think outside the box. It should not discount a return to negotiations on the nuclear deal if they include an end to Iran's support for terrorist organizations, its efforts to increase its hegemony in the region and its declared aim of destroying Israel.
This may all be possible but can only come to pass if the United States recognizes the true danger posed by the Islamic Republic. Ensuring that happens should be the main task of the next Israeli government.