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Seventeen months into the war, Hamas remains the ruling force in Gaza. This is, first and foremost, the fault of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has stubbornly refused to address the "day after"—the future governance and administration of Gaza once the war ends. Today, more than two million people live in Gaza without proper housing or employment. This ticking time bomb sits at Israel’s doorstep, and Israel lacks the means to defuse it.
A comprehensive economic and administrative rehabilitation of Gaza—without any involvement from Hamas—is a clear Israeli interest. Military control over Gaza’s population is an unsustainable burden on the IDF, not only in terms of soldiers’ lives but also in the diversion of military resources from preparing for other security challenges.
The idea of resettling Gaza with Israeli civilians is a fantasy championed by far-right politicans Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir. The real reason Israel has failed to define a strategic objective for the war is the government’s reluctance to confront them. Hamas’ military capabilities have already been significantly weakened, but the notion of eliminating every last Hamas fighter is an endless and impractical mission.
It is for this reason that Netanyahu’s government eagerly embraced U.S. President Donald Trump’s so-called "Riviera Plan." But the fundamental flaw in the plan is that no Arab country would be willing to absorb two million Palestinians, and non-Arab nations were already trying to reduce their existing refugee populations. They have no interest in taking in more. "Voluntary evacuation" during wartime is simply a euphemism for forced displacement, and those who facilitate it will eventually be accused of war crimes. Even Trump himself appears to recognize the lack of international and regional support for his proposal and is quietly retreating from it.
Egypt’s plan is the only viable option
Given this grim reality, where Israel would likely have to manage and govern Gaza while continuing its fight against Hamas, Egypt has put forward a proposal for Gaza’s future. The most important element, from Israel’s perspective, is that Hamas has no place in it: the terror group would be replaced by a Palestinian technocratic government under the Palestinian Authority (PA).
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Some Israelis may find this difficult to accept, but the reality is that no entity other than the PA has international legitimacy to govern the Palestinian population, including in Gaza. For 15 years—especially more recently —Israel has systematically weakened the PA, denying it resources that, by prior agreements, belong to it. Those who have crippled the PA are in no position to complain about its effectiveness. Yes, the PA’s functioning can and should be improved, but doing so requires supporting it—not Hamas, which is our mutual enemy.
Since the Second Intifada, Israelis have had little exposure to Palestinian society, leading many to assume that Palestinians are incapable of effectively managing civilian affairs. The only Palestinians that most Israelis see are the masked terrorists with green Hamas headbands and Kalashnikov rifles. But those familiar with the region know that many of the Middle East’s most successful businesses were founded and are run by highly educated and capable Palestinians—without weapons, without violence. Even in Gaza, there are enough competent individuals who could govern successfully.
Efraim SnehItzik BeranThe Egyptian plan lays out a gradual transfer of security control in Gaza from external forces to local actors unaffiliated with Hamas. It also outlines a phased, logical reconstruction process. What remains unclear is which nations will finance and benefit from Gaza’s rebuilding. While the 112-page plan is not perfect, it is practical enough to begin implementing. Most importantly, it pushes Hamas out and offers alternatives.
In the absence of any serious Israeli or international alternative, Egypt’s plan is the only realistic option.
Dr. Efraim Sneh, a retired brigadier general, served as a minister and deputy defense minister. He is a board member of Commanders for Israel’s Security.