The northern West Bank city of Jenin, along with its namesake refugee camp, has long been a stronghold for armed fighters affiliated with Palestinian factions such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), which receive significant funding from Iran.
For over a month, Palestinian security forces have conducted a large-scale campaign in Jenin to restore law and order and prevent subversive elements from escalating tensions, fearing outcomes similar to the violence witnessed in the Gaza Strip over the past 15 months.
Clashes between Palestinian security forces and armed terrorists in Jenin
Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces face a complex challenge in Jenin and other northern West Bank cities, where a mix of hardcore faction fighters and common criminals have found refuge. These individuals receive monthly payments, weapons and uniforms while engaging in activities such as extortion, theft and other criminal offenses, often under the guise of armed resistance.
While funding flows from Iran, weapons often enter the West Bank via traffickers who acquire them from Israeli soldiers stealing from military bases. Some Palestinian security officials claim that a portion of these weapons are smuggled with tacit approval from Israeli authorities. There are even suggestions that the guns may contain tracking chips, enabling Israeli intelligence to monitor the movements of their recipients.
As the war in Gaza stretches into its 15th month, Palestinian intelligence reports and expert analyses suggest a growing fear of an imminent large-scale Israeli ground assault on West Bank cities. Statements from Israeli government figures, including National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, have fueled concerns that Israel may seek to dismantle the PA, annex the West Bank or return to the pre-1987 situation before the First Intifada.
The PA is aware that certain elements in the Israeli government are eager to deploy the army to overrun West Bank cities and dismantle the PA entirely. Any incident risks triggering a chain reaction that could lead to an open conflict between Palestinians and Israel in the West Bank. While no party appears eager for such an escalation, the devastating toll on ordinary people, far removed from the leaders orchestrating conflicts from secure command centers, remains a critical concern.
Even in Gaza, there is growing concern that the turmoil they endured could spread to the West Bank. Numerous videos from Gaza show grieving women, crying children and distraught fathers pleading for an end to the crisis and the return of the PA.
“Let Hamas go away and bring Abu Mazen here,” said an elderly woman standing barefoot in her rain-soaked tent, using the kunya of PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas. She added, “At least, in the days of the PA, we lived in our homes and had a reasonable and respectful life, unlike what we have today.”
An unexpected response to the PA’s security operations in Jenin emerged from Gaza, where 33 prominent figures from various political backgrounds signed an open letter addressed to Abbas and the Palestinian public. The letter called on the PLO to assert its authority over Gaza in any post-war arrangement. Emphasizing the PLO’s role as “the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people,” the signatories made it clear that Hamas is no longer acceptable and should have no role in Gaza’s future governance.
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Palestinian civilians in Gaza have borne the brunt of the war, paying an immense price in lives, futures and dreams for what many view as Hamas’ disastrous gamble on October 7, 2024. Hamas has also emerged as a significant loser, having forfeited its remaining chances of being included in any future governance of Gaza. While no party appears willing to grant Hamas a role, the group remains desperate to secure even a marginal position to claim it did not emerge entirely defeated.
It is unsurprising that 33 Palestinian figures issued such a statement. Exhausted by the relentless war and suffering in Gaza, they believe only the PA can address the region’s mounting challenges. However, before focusing on Gaza, the PA has prioritized addressing the escalating issues in Jenin and Tulkarm.
Many Palestinians believe there is a strong connection between the events in Gaza and the unrest in Jenin. For the PA, restoring law and order in Jenin is essential to uphold its credibility as the sole governing authority for the Palestinian people. However, the PA’s crackdown on the Jenin Brigade is also driven by its awareness that both Hamas and, to a lesser extent, PIJ aim to destabilize and ultimately replace the PA.
The collapse of the PA is viewed as a national catastrophe by most Palestinians, including those critical of its governance. Criticism of the PA is one thing; wishing for its downfall is another. The escalating challenges in Jenin and Tulkarm spurred the PA to take decisive action.
The tipping point came when militants targeted PA security personnel and placed car bombs in densely populated areas. Outraged by this escalation, Abbas convened a meeting with PA security leaders and issued direct orders to restore law and order. This marked the deployment of the PA’s elite Division 101.
Internationally recognized as a SWAT unit, the PA’s Division 101 is a highly trained anti-terror and rapid-deployment special force. In May 2016, the unit won first place at the eighth annual Warrior Competition in Jordan, outperforming 27 teams from 11 countries, including Iraq, Jordan, the Czech Republic, Greece, Pakistan, the UAE, Kazakhstan and China.
“The decision to deploy Division 101 wasn’t easy,” said a senior Preventive Security officer in a private discussion about the situation in Jenin and Nur Shams. He noted that any PA troop movement within the West Bank requires coordination with the Israeli army to avoid potential clashes, especially given the heightened tensions due to Israel’s war in Gaza and its actions in the West Bank.
“However,” he added, “what needs to be done must be done. We moved into the troubled areas to contain the escalation, hoping to minimize casualties. Unfortunately, we faced gunfire and sustained losses.”
On December 26, Preventive Security officer Ibrahim Jum’ah Qaddoumi was stationed at his outpost in the Jenin refugee camp when he spotted five youths, aged 12 to 15, approaching with incendiary bottles. Believing they posed no immediate threat that would justify lethal force, Qaddoumi refrained from firing. Suddenly, the youths threw Molotov cocktails, setting the room ablaze. Qaddoumi succumbed to smoke inhalation, while five of his colleagues were hospitalized for gas asphyxiation.
Brig. Gen. Anwar Rajab, the PA security chief spokesman, stated that the attack was orchestrated by Iranian-backed handlers, comparing it to the January 2015 ISIS execution of Jordanian pilot Mu’az Kasasbeh.
When questioned about the PA’s security campaign in Jenin, Rajab said that the operation would persist indefinitely. “There will be no negotiations, nor will there be any midway solutions,” he declared. Rajab emphasized that all individuals wanted by the PA must surrender themselves and their weapons. He pledged that the PA security forces would track down every fighter, insisting, “Justice will inevitably be served, no matter where they hide.”
The Jenin operation is seen by many Palestinians as a critical test for the PA. Both the PA and the majority of the public are determined to avoid failure, as such an outcome would be a victory for Hamas, PIJ and Iran, which continues to fund groups opposing the PLO and its two-state solution platform based on the 1967 borders.
Unsurprisingly, Fatah and PLO leaders have described the situation in Jenin as a coordinated effort by insurgent groups to provoke the PA into an open confrontation with Israel. Hamas appears to be leading this strategy, hoping that in the absence of the PLO, it could take over the West Bank with minimal resistance. Yet, this could prove to be another poorly calculated move by Hamas.