The upcoming U.S. presidential elections are Washington's current excuse to pressure Israel out of escalation in its war against Hezbollah. "Just shut up and take it," the Biden administration says. A full-blown, regional or multi-front war could hamper Kamala Harris' election prospects.
It’s a strange excuse because with or without elections, America's long-time policy has been to bring about calm and prevent escalation in the war. But where is the research that indicates that a war between Israel and Hezbollah would push voters to Trump? Still, the American position must be considered.
1 View gallery
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, US President Joe Biden and Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah
(Photo: Yariv Katz, Rabih DAHER / AFP / Shutterstock / AP / Evan Vucci)
The best wars are those that were prevented. The greatest victory is when bloodshed is avoided. But a war that was postponed, not averted, is not the best option. It will ultimately come to be. Hezbollah has no intention of allowing its massive arsenal of weapons to rust away in its tunnels. The axis of evil wants to attack at a time of convenience, and sometimes, the cost in blood of a war that should have been fought three years ago would be lower than one that would be fought three years from now.
There is no other country that would accept a year of constant rocket and missile fire. Why is Israel asked to entertain such a notion in the face of this madness?
Things used to be different. In 1988, the PLO wanted dialogue with the Americans. Sure, said then-secretary of state George Shultz. If PLO leader Yasser Arafat agreed to recognize Israel as a Jewish state – dialogue could begin.
Arafat was evasive but Shultz rejected those efforts and dictated to the Palestinian leader the wording of his demanded announcement. "The Palestinian National Council agrees to recognize two states. A Palestinian State and a Jewish State, Israel."
Those days are gone. American policy over the past decades has been, for the most part, a series of mistakes.
In those days, the United States was a superpower, both in size and militarily. It was able to impose its will. Arafat read the statement word for word. He lied but that is of no importance. The Palestinian National Council made no such decision and to this day, they've denied recognition of Israel as a Jewish state. But Arafat's statement had huge significance and America held massive sway.
Those days are gone. American policy over the past decades has been, for the most part, a series of mistakes. It is still the most powerful nation in the world. Perhaps after waging its war on terror for the past 20 years, it has become more cautious. It had sunk in the mud in Iraq and Afghanistan and eventually retreated without achieving any of its goals. Islamist terrorism has only grown more dangerous since.
But Israel is not the U.S. It is facing a much more tangible and existential threat. The American failure in Afghanistan cannot justify failure in the face of Hamas and Hezbollah and can certainly not justify a policy of weakness.
The powerful America made no response to Houthi-Iranian attacks on Saudi oil facilities in 2019. Nothing. Nada. Zilch. Crickets.
The Biden administration lifted sanctions imposed on Iran after Donald Trump withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement. Just two weeks after taking office, Biden took the Houthis off the Foreign Terrorist Organizations list.
These were demonstrations of weakness and appeasement. The Houthi rebels grew in strength and Iran realized that the billions flowing with sanctions lifted could accelerate its efforts to obtain a nuclear weapon and bolster its proxies around the Middle East militarily.
The Axis of Evil thanked the U.S. as it became more powerful. Likewise, since the October 7 Hamas massacre, the Houthis attacked maritime trade routes in the Red Sea. They chant "death to America," but to this day, Washington is reluctant to deal the terrorist entity a major blow. And so, it goes on. This is the behavior of a superpower with a limp policy.
Despite the vital U.S.-Israel alliance, Israel must make clear to Washington that its current approach is misguided and fueling further violence.
Don't get me wrong. America is Israel's most important ally. Israel depends on it in many aspects. Seventy percent of Israel's arms imports come from the U.S. and it provides a diplomatic shield in the international arena, especially in the UN Security Council.
Israel cannot fight a multi-front war without American support and even if it could, the cost would be much higher. That was proven when Iran attacked Israel last April and half of its projectiles were intercepted by U.S. forces. We owe them our thanks for that.
Despite the vital U.S.-Israel alliance, Israel must make clear to Washington that its current approach is misguided and fueling further violence. America’s reluctance to fully back Israel and its decision to withhold weapons amid ongoing Hezbollah attacks only emboldens the terrorist group.
While Israel has shown restraint for the past year, this has led to even more aggression from Hezbollah, with northern Israel now under siege and tens of thousands of Israelis displaced.
Yes, Israel’s government has its flaws, but these internal issues do not justify Washington’s policy missteps.
If the U.S. were to declare unequivocal support for Israel and expedite all necessary military aid, it could deter Hezbollah. Instead, the current administration’s criticism and restrictions on arms deliveries have emboldened Iran’s proxies. Now, even Western allies like Germany are limiting weapon sales. This stance signals weakness and invites more aggression from Iran’s proxies.
Yes, Israel’s government has its flaws, particularly in stalling a Saudi-Israel agreement and failing to build a regional alliance against Iran. But these internal issues do not justify Washington’s policy missteps. The U.S. has made numerous errors in its Middle East strategy, and failing to act as a deterrent against Hezbollah now will only exacerbate the situation and lead to further instability.