December 8, 2024, stands as a landmark moment in Syrian history—a day of euphoric celebration and astonishment as the Assad regime collapsed and its allies abruptly withdrew their military support.
The collapse of Bashar Assad's regime marks more than just the conclusion of decades of oppressive rule—it signals the end of an era defined by dictatorship and brutality. This pivotal moment rivals the significance of the Berlin Wall's fall, ushering in a new chapter for the region.
The sudden and unexpected downfall, though remarkable, leaves behind a cloud of ambiguity. It raises numerous unanswered questions about the secrets and complexities surrounding Assad's regime and its abrupt demise.
As Assad's regime collapsed with stunning speed, Abu Mohammed al-Golani emerged dramatically on the scene, despite his organization being designated as a terrorist group. His sudden prominence raises pressing questions, particularly in light of Qatar's hosting of a meeting among Astana Process member states—Turkey, Russia and Iran—just one day before Assad's disappearance.
Why Golani? Why has he been thrust into the spotlight? Who stands to gain from his newfound prominence? His role as a leader in military operations and the broader process of change, including the push to "liberate" Damascus, positions him as a central figure. But why is he being cast as a hero, and what does this signal for the region’s future?
Why do Islamists so often take the reins in countries transitioning after the Arab Spring, with Qatar frequently playing a pivotal role in backing these movements? From Libya and Tunisia to Egypt—and now Syria.
A pressing concern is whether the sudden collapse of Assad's regime, along with the withdrawal of its Iranian allies, is part of a broader strategy to plunge Syria into chaos. Such turmoil could serve to validate Assad’s longstanding narrative: “It’s either me or terrorism and extremism.” Iran, too, may see chaos as a necessary condition for sustaining its regional ambitions.
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A rebel fires in the air after the fall of the Assad regime
(Photo: Ghaith Alsayed / AP)
Syrians have produced countless videos documenting the historic moments of celebration as crowds flooded the streets to mark the fall of Assad’s regime, tearing down statues and other symbols of its oppressive rule. These videos capture scenes of unrestrained joy and profound emotion—tears of happiness and relief at the end of an era defined by brutality.
Yet, amid the jubilation, horrifying evidence has surfaced of the regime's unprecedented cruelty. Videos reveal the grim realities of Assad’s notorious detention centers, both known and secret, exposing the inhumanity that unfolded within their walls.
Particularly harrowing are the stories of children born in prison, knowing nothing but the confines of their cells—many of them the result of rape by prison guards. One video shows a man whose memory has been erased by years of relentless torture. Other detainees, some imprisoned for over four decades, have lost their sanity entirely.
These prisons, often hidden in underground complexes, serve as chilling reminders of the depths of Assad’s regime’s oppression and the enduring scars it has left on its victims.
These torture centers are equipped with every imaginable method of inflicting pain, surpassing even the brutality of the Middle Ages. The horrifying scenes shared in the media defy human comprehension. At the same time, the Assad family lived in unimaginable luxury. Their palaces are adorned with opulent symbols of wealth, featuring the world’s most famous brands and some of the most expensive cars ever made.
Prisoners freed at the Saydanya prison
Prisoners freed at the Saydanya prison
These palaces are interconnected by a network of tunnels, allowing for secure movement between them and providing escape routes in emergencies.
For more than half a century, this brutal regime has inflicted countless crimes on Syrians, Syria as a nation and humanity itself. Under the Assad family's rule, Syria transformed from a country open to the world into one marked by isolation. They promoted ignorance through inadequate curricula and fostered a culture and behavior wholly disconnected from the history and civilization of the Syrian people.
Today, Syrians face the grim reality of inheriting a failed state. Half the towns and cities lie in ruins, the economy has collapsed and the Syrian Central Bank stands as a hollow shell, its halls empty save for vermin.
An estimated 12 million Syrians are either refugees or internally displaced. Around one million have been killed, half a million are disabled and another half a million women are now widows. Three million children remain out of school, deprived of education for years.
The country is dominated by foreign military forces and their proxy militias, each pursuing conflicting agendas that have further torn Syrian society apart.
Despite this devastation, Bashar Assad has not even addressed the nation with a resignation. Instead, he has left the military and security officials who carried out his orders to face an uncertain fate, abandoned after being complicit in war crimes and crimes against humanity. He and his brother, along with their families, vanished abruptly, taking their valuable possessions with them—a disappearance documented in numerous videos.
It is true that Assad’s army is exhausted, demoralized and struggling under dire economic conditions. However, this alone does not explain the rapid collapse of Aleppo, followed by Damascus. Although some clashes occurred, they fell far short of expectations, particularly in Homs, where intense confrontations were anticipated.
Instead, the relatively smooth takeover of Homs and Damascus resembled a coordinated handover. The swift withdrawal of Russian and Iranian support, contrary to all expectations, adds to the mystery.
Since 2011, Syria has undergone a profound social upheaval that cannot be easily suppressed. This transformation will persist until its objectives are fully realized, despite numerous obstacles. Syrians have awakened to the falsehoods and empty slogans they endured for decades. They are now reassessing long-held beliefs and values. Throughout this period, Syrians have demonstrated remarkable resilience, civilized conduct and tolerance toward one another.
For the first time in decades, Syrians are experiencing genuine happiness, celebrating the fall of Assad with unrestrained joy. Yet, this euphoria may soon give way to the sobering realization that they did not overthrow Assad only to be ruled by radical factions or by members of the ousted elite who re-emerged during the years of war. This discredited group was instrumental in prolonging Assad’s regime and delaying the revolution’s victory. Many of these figures were empowered by Assad himself, supported by regional and international players to serve as tools of disruption.
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While I remain optimistic, I cannot ignore the potential for future setbacks. However, I have unwavering faith in the Syrian people, a diverse society of different religions, sects and ethnicities. Such a pluralistic society is unlikely to accept rule by radical or extremist forces, which have been a major cause of Syria's suffering.
There are concerns that Islamists might rise to power in Syria, but I am confident this fear is unfounded. Any future elections would likely demonstrate that religious minorities, along with the majority of Sunni Muslims, would overwhelmingly vote against Islamist factions. These groups, together with their allies, would be incapable of securing a parliamentary majority.
The Syrian and Iranian regimes have long been the pillars of a destructive regional project, making the collapse of one regime almost certain to trigger the fall of the other. This raises critical questions: What prompted Iran to step back and announce the withdrawal of its militias? Has Iran truly abandoned its regional ambitions? Similarly, what caused Russia to change course and withdraw its naval forces from the military base on Syria’s coast? Has Russia relinquished the extensive interests and privileges it secured through its alliance with Assad?
The Assad regime, under both Hafez and Bashar, has functioned as an international security proxy, handling various regional and global dossiers. Hafez Assad managed these responsibilities with relative skill, but his son gradually lost control. Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, Bashar’s insecurities and weak leadership allowed Iran to tighten its grip on his regime, progressively taking over key files.
This began with Iran compelling Assad to orchestrate the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, solidifying Tehran's control over Lebanon. Iran subsequently seized the Palestinian dossier and gained influence over Islamist groups, sidelining Bashar in the process. Over time, Iran effectively inherited these strategic files, initially managed by Hafez Assad, as it exploited Bashar’s vulnerabilities to expand its regional dominance.
The Assad regime was never the strongest among Arab governments, but it was undoubtedly the most dangerous. Its power did not stem from military might but from its formidable security apparatus and its ability to infiltrate and manipulate terrorist organizations.
Despite the countless crimes committed by the Assad family, the International Criminal Court (ICC) hasn't issued an arrest warrant for Bashar Assad or his son. Instead, they were granted asylum in Russia, along with their families, as though rewarded with an "end-of-service" package.
Syria's strategic location underscores its role as a crossroads for regional and international interests. This positioning inherently demands that such interests coexist without conflict. Any attempt by one party to expand its influence in Syria inevitably clashes with the interests of others, as exemplified by Iran's efforts to consolidate its domination in the country.
The challenge for anyone who governs Syria will be to navigate and coordinate these conflicting regional and international interests, much like a traffic officer working to prevent accidents and manage gridlock with the utmost care to avoid clashes. However, as seen with Bashar Assad and his allies, even the most skilled attempts can falter, leading to the "traffic officer" being sidelined.
Within two hours following Assad's regime's collapse, I received an overwhelming number of messages—far more than I anticipated. It will likely take me a month to respond to them all.
As I am in Paris, dozens of French TV channels reached out for my comments on the unfolding events. I was interviewed by TF1, LCI, and BMF, where I shared my clear stance on the situation. I emphasized that without the crippling strikes on Iran's regional ambitions—represented by Hezbollah and Iranian military bases in Syria and Lebanon—liberating Syria from Assad and his allies would have been far more challenging.
Now, we Syrians are closer than ever to Israel, opening the door to building bridges of peace with a new Syria. However, just as I left the studio, I received troubling news: Israel has occupied Mount Hermon and other Syrian territories.
Many opponents of my political vision—those who cling to false slogans and illusions, exploiting religion and blood for their agendas—have begun accusing me of treason and of being an agent of Israel simply because my project includes the prospect of peace with the State of Israel.
However, the occupation of Mount Hermon and other Syrian territories in the wake of recent events is entirely unacceptable. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Israeli government must understand this clearly. We are advocates of peace through a national political project designed to benefit Syrians and all the peoples of the region.
That said, we will never be a tool to justify or facilitate the occupation of Syrian land. This action is a painful blow to our peace initiative with Israel and undermines the broader vision of reconciliation and cooperation we are working to achieve.
Fahad Almasri Photo: CourtesyThe Israeli prime minister and government must recognize that this step does not serve the cause of rapprochement between the Syrian and Israeli peoples. It is important to note that no Syrian force on the ground poses a threat to Israel or its citizens. What’s more, this action was not taken when Hezbollah and other Iranian militias were stationed opposite the Golan Heights. This raises significant concerns about Israel’s potential expansionist intentions in Syrian territories.
Do the Israeli prime minister and the leadership understand the sacrifices I have made since 2016? Do they grasp the extent of the political and media battles I have waged following my speech advocating peace with Israel? Are they aware of the risks I have placed on my family in Damascus because of my calls for reconciliation?
The Israeli leadership must understand that the Syrian people are now closer than ever to embracing Israel and a just peace—a peace that requires bravery and decisive action. This shift has been catalyzed by the targeting of Hezbollah and Syria’s liberation from the brutal Assad regime.
We await a bold decision from the Israeli prime minister, one that seizes this historic opportunity to foster peace. Immediate action is necessary to preserve the growing public support for reconciliation. Without it, my years of work advocating for peace and combating antisemitism risk being lost.
Today, Syria needs the support of all regional and international players to safeguard its national unity, territorial integrity and stability. Only by fostering prosperity and security can lasting peace be achieved. Otherwise, new and more dangerous terrorist organizations may emerge—so extreme that by comparison, Hamas might seem like a dove of peace.
- Fahad Almasri is president of the National Salvation Front in Syria.