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Israeli society, from reserve soldiers on the Gaza border to Supreme Court justices and media commentators, is divided under the current government into two camps: those convinced that we are living within the bounds of normalcy — that everything has happened before and there is precedent for every madness — and those who believe that Netanyahu and his circle have broken all the rules. Shin Bet cheif Ronen Bar clearly belongs to the latter group.
"In war, as in war; in madness, as in madness," Bar tells himself and acts accordingly. He does not intend to resign — and, in fact, does not plan to be fired either. He will, of course, respect the government's decision to dismiss him, but the decision to leave his post is no longer in his hands. It will be up to the attorney general and the Supreme Court. As long as the legal proceedings continue, he is staying. After his dismissal meeting with Netanyahu, he returned to his office for a long night of work. Not because of Netanyahu — but because of Gaza.
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Shin bet head Ronen Bar and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
(Photo: IDF, Stoyan Nenov/Reuters)
It is unclear whether he has discussed his potential dismissal with Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, but the two share much in common: mutual respect, a united front, a heart of steel and a fighting spirit. Netanyahu draws qualities out of them that they may not have known they possessed. Only Bibi.
Indeed, in a statement released Sunday night, the attorney general erected the first significant obstacle to the dismissal: "A dismissal process cannot be initiated," wrote her deputy, Gil Limon. "The position of head of the Shin Bet is not a personal trust appointment of the prime minister." When Bar entered his meeting with Netanyahu, he opened with a question: "On what basis are you accusing me of blackmail" (referring to Netanyahu's public statement)? "When did I blackmail you?"
"Based on Sima Kadmon's article in Yedioth," Netanyahu replied.
He was referring to an opinion piece by journalist Sima Kadmon published nine days earlier. "He should think carefully before turning the heads of the Shin Bet against him," she wrote about Netanyahu. "After all, these are people who know a thing or two about him, his most trusted confidants, and his beloved son."
Bar, who has heard his share of strange things during his career — even under Netanyahu — was stunned. "I have never met or spoken to Sima Kadmon," he told the prime minister.
With all due respect to Sima — and there is plenty of respect — a newspaper column cannot serve as evidence to justify the dismissal of the head of the Shin Bet. It's absurd.
Those with long memories inevitably recall the "hot tape" affair from 1993: Netanyahu rushed to an emergency television interview, accusing David Levy and his associates of spreading a tape exposing an extramarital affair. "They are trying to blackmail me," he claimed. There was indeed an affair; there was no blackmail.
Ronen Bar is an impressive figure with extraordinary capabilities. Israel might be better off if he were prime minister and Netanyahu were summoned to his office for a dismissal meeting. But their clash is dangerous. It is pushing us toward a form of civil war — not yet with weapons, but already at the stage of eroded trust and defiance within the security agencies. Bar's distinction between the kingdom and the king is appealing, but in the case of the Shin Bet, it is problematic: the agency's job is to protect the kingdom, the king, the queen and the prince alike.
If the reason for Bar's dismissal is the investigation into the "Qatar-gate" affair, it is even more puzzling. There is something improper — more accurately, something rotten — about the prime minister's aides working for a foreign, and not necessarily friendly, nation. Such an investigation cannot be swept under the rug. It is more likely that the rift between Netanyahu and Bar gradually widened against the backdrop of public protests.
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Netanyahu genuinely believes in the existence of a deep state and the conspiracy of its operatives against him. He thinks they are plotting either to destroy him or to blackmail him, whichever comes first. Bar's efforts to advance hostage deals worsened the situation. Netanyahu disapproved of both the deals and Bar's independent stance. It was no coincidence that Netanyahu removed him from the cease-fire and hostage return negotiation team.
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Former Shin Bet head Nadav Argaman's clumsy comment in an interview with journalist Yonit Levi was likely the straw that broke the camel's back. Netanyahu interpreted Argaman's words as a threat. As always, he assumed an entire network was conspiring against him: Argaman was coordinating with his predecessors and his successor. Argaman was attempting to blackmail him. If he did not respond, he would be seen as susceptible to extortion. He had to act decisively beyond a hollow, ridiculous police complaint. So, he made a move. That was Argaman's small contribution to Bar's dismissal.
We are likely entering a period of intensified fighting in Gaza, without a hostage deal and without the public receiving an explanation for the military escalation. A crisis of trust amid active combat.
The constitutional showdown over Bar's dismissal will likely end with the appointment of a new Shin Bet chief. His first task will be to manage the internal crisis. (Bar successfully prevented upheaval within the agency after October 7; his dismissal changes the equation.) The accelerated push to remove the attorney general is just around the corner. Her support for Bar will soon become another pillar in the case against her.
A different Shin Bet, a different prosecution, and eventually a different Supreme Court and new Basic Laws. A prime minister who has lost all restraints will rule as he pleases, while an incompetent government trails behind him. Is this normal? Absolutely not.