He’s accused Israel of genocide and called for an international investigation, but he also mediates between Israel and Hamas. It’s a dual policy of sorts. He maintains a good relationship with Iran, while also hosting the largest U.S. naval base in the Middle East. The Emir of Qatar, aged just 44, is one of the Middle East’s most extraordinary figures.
For his age, Tamim bin Al Thani has tallied up a great deal of success. Married to three women and father to 13 children (six girls and seven boys aged 4-18), he’s been serving in the position for over a decade.
He married two of his wives before assuming the role of emir, but they won’t inherit the title. A 2005 law stipulates that power is to be passed on to, and divided up between, the sons of the previous emir Shiekh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, i.e., the current emir’s brothers rather than sons.
Tamim’s story as emir kicks off in June 2013 when his father announced he’d be passing down power to his son, the then 33-year-old crown prince. The then 61-year-old emir said, “The time has come for a new generation to take the reins and take on responsibility.”
Sheikh Tamim, Hamad’s fourth son (second son from his second wife Sheikha Moza), was appointed crown prince in 2003 when his elder brother Jassim turned down the position. He has since become ever more prominent in the local, regional and international arenas, representing Qatar in several international conferences.
The Al Thani family has been ruling the emirate since its foundation in the 19th century. Qatar discovered oil in 1939, and following starting production in 1949, the emirate swiftly transitioned from a frail to a wealthy country.
Since British withdrawal from the Persian Gulf and independence in 1971, Qatari rulers have worked to distance themselves from conflicts and, unlike their neighbors, haven’t been shy about employing pro-Western policies – but have also winked in the direction of, and supported, terrorist organizations.
Tamim was born in Qatar’s capital Doha where he was raised and educated as a young child. In his teenage years, he attended Sherborne, a high-end British boarding school, graduating in 1997. He then went on to the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and joined the Qatari armed forces, combining academic studies with practical experience in the field. When appointed crown prince in August 2003, he was also appointed deputy commander-in-chief of Qatar's armed forces.
At this time, he was also allocated key positions to train him for government. Prior to his father’s retirement, Al Thani was appointed to various key sports positions in the country, including serving on Qatar’s Olympic committee and the council that planned the World Cup.
Ariel Admoni, a doctoral student at Bar-Ilan University’s Middle East Studies department, tells Ynet that “Tamim was placed there to give him government experience. He was given positions in sports organizations connected to the government. ‘Sports Diplomacy’, if we can call it that, is very important to them.”
Adidas gear in Doha, conservatism on the world stage
As mentioned, Tamim assumed the position of emir of Qatar as part of a move characteristic of his father’s rule. “He’s not the eldest son, and that matters. It’s typical of the Qatari approach,” says Admoni. “When Hamas tells diplomats why he chose Tamim, he says of his older sons, “One plays too much and the other prays too much.” He wanted neither a playboy nor a fanatical ruler.
But Hamad’s explanations have done nothing to stop the rumor mill. He was among the first rulers to abdicate his throne. Gulf rulers don’t get up one day and leave a lifetime job. His resignation then seemed unusual and raised questions. There were rumors that Hamad, now 72, was sick and that Tamim’s mother Sheikha Moza feared for his health.
The Qataris took advantage of this unusual move to make a name for themselves in the Gulf. The little emirate, surrounded on most sides by the seas of the Persian Gulf, its only land border with Saudi Arabia, is full of contractions: It’s a Gulf country that operates among its neighbors, but it also leans toward the West.
“In sports, business connections, investments, and in some sense in Tamim’s appointment, Qatar hasn’t gone for the safe option but rather that of “annoying everybody,” says Admoni. “Emir Hamad presented himself as an innovator, even giving other Gulf rulers saying, ‘Look, of our own free will, we dare give up a job.'”
And so Tamim’s rule also set off in the same way – although he’s young and modern and is photographed on the streets of Doha in Adidas gear, he’s very strict about conservative policies. For example, despite his excellent English, he’s careful to give speeches in Arabic, even in international settings.
Qataris are concerned about the erosion of Arab culture. Parents quietly complain that their children’s English is better than their Arabic. The emirate set up various projects, such as the Qatar Foundation, to preserve Islam.
Hesitant host of Hamas
But alongside all this modernity, Qatar has been hosting Hamas senior officials consistently since 2012 when Khaled Mashal fled there from Syria. Qatar also offered shelter to Husam Badran and Saleh al-Arouri who was assassinated in Beirut.
With the exception of Turkey, Qatar was alone in supporting the terrorist organization’s rule over the Gaza Strip – during Hamad’s rule. “Qatari money,” or the “Qatari suitcases” have effectively become synonymous with building up the terrorist empire that struck Israel with all its force.
The Qatari emir, in some sense, is following in the footsteps of his father who had connections with Hamas, albeit in a less “extremist” way. Hamad openly and shamelessly communicated with terrorists. Al Thani, who toned it down, has identified with armed terrorism and used his identification with the Palestinian population for his own good and effectively used Hamas as a venture capital fund.
“He forged connections with organizations so that, in the future, they would be relevant and that Qatar would be an important player. This prediction came true in the current war – and Qatar became the communication channel," Admoni explains.
“Tamim had no real reason to stop the successful relationship with Hamas. Qatar has simply rebranded meetings with Hamas as meetings with Palestinian leadership. Whereas Hamad was the Gulf’s bad boy, Tamim is doing his best to be one of the guys, as seen in the renewed communication with Bahrain, UAE and Saudi Arabia.”
Recent events have also created an interesting situation for the Al Thani family and its connection with the terrorist organization. The funeral of Hamas Politburo Chairman Ismail Haniyeh, who was assassinated in Tehran, was held in Qatar.
It was attended by a considerable number of Qatari senior officials, including Qatar’s prime minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, the former emir Hamad and the current emir himself, who seemed a broken man. Hamas senior official Khaled Mashal thanked Qatar, and specifically the emir and his father, for their hospitality.
But here too, as in other cases, there’s a discrepancy between image and reality. The Qataris are conducting a serious campaign to present hosting Hamas in Doha as a U.S. request. After mounting criticism for hosting Hamas senior officials following the October 7 attack, Qatari and American officials told the Wall Street Journal that Hamas’s presence in Doha was at the U.S.’s request and that relocating elsewhere such as Syria or Iran, would make it difficult for Western parties to communicate with them.
But the Emir of Qatari hasn’t changed his approach to Hamas since October 7. “We may assume that reports of Hamas leaders meaning to leave for Iraq, are Qatari efforts to take the pressure off a little” Admoni explains. That said, one should mention that, during the war, there have been fewer joint public meetings not related to negotiation efforts regarding the war in Gaza and the release of the hostages.
Right now, with efforts to end the war in Gaza, and Yahya Sinwar’s appointment as politburo chairman, the Tamim-led Qataris are seeking avenues to make them important in Gaza. “He knows Sinwar isn’t with them,” says Admoni.
So, they are expected to present themselves as coming to help, advancing educational initiatives, founding schools and setting up further projects. “Qatar knows it’s a dangerous game, so it’s making sure to have one foot in the door so that if, Heaven forbid, if the wind changes in some way, and there are moves to kick them out, Qatar will be too entrenched in various avenues within Gaza, and would be hard to neutralize,” Admoni says.
Accusations of sportswashing
As part of efforts to improve its position in the West, Qatar, in the person of sports-loving Tamim, reportedly bribed whoever he could to get to host the 2022 World Cup. Qatar also purchased French soccer team Paris Saint-Germain, hosts every possible international sports tournament and financially sponsors top European soccer brands.
The idea of hosting a soccer world soccer tournament has been bubbling in the country for many years and Qatar has done everything money can buy to get there. Under Al Thani, Qatar has positioned itself at the center of the sporting world and, for all intents and purposes, sport is a diplomatic tool.
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Al Thani and Lionel Messi at the closing ceremony of the 2022 World Cup in Qatar
(Photo: Reuters)
With reported deaths of hundreds of foreign workers due to precarious safety conditions, withholding wages and de facto “slavery”, yes, Qatar’s hosting the World Cup left a stain.
This did nothing to stop the emirate, however, from branding itself as “security experts.” Qatar took part in the Paris Olympics security, thanks to the capabilities showcased in their own country. Qatar is a police state, a dictatorship that intrudes into private lives, and Admoni says that security is viewed as “the card they can play to brand themselves.” This is just one example. It’s unclear why France needed Qatari security – but there was speculation around the need to keep terrorist organizations quiet.
Tamim himself isn’t just a fan of ball games. He also loves hunting. In 2016, he paid a personal visit to Khazakstan for his hobby purposes. It was locally reported that he was fuming when his falcon Ali died. The falcon had been held by Kazakhstani tax authorities in harsh conditions, causing nothing less than a diplomatic incident with the Qataris sending a furious letter.
Al Jazeera and Iran in the eye of the storm
There’s no need to say too much about Al Jazeera, whose broadcasts Israel tried to cancel in recent months in light of harming state security and broadcasting messages serving Hamas. Founded in 1996, bypassing local Arab regimes, Al Jazeera has brought the Emir of Qatar’s messages to every home across the Middle East.
Although the network is owned by the Al Thani family, the Qataris carry on claiming it’s an independent organization with its own opinions. “In practice, not only has it given them a foot in the door and tremendous influence, but one may say that during this war, it’s even put Qatar somewhat in the mainstream. Al Jazeera, however, has become a source for Gaza. The network is playing a double-edged game and has prospered from the war” says Admoni.
The network later facilitated the rise of the Arab Spring, strengthening Islamist strains identified with Qatar’s ally, the Muslim Brotherhood. Arab states were angered by Qatar’s interference in their internal matters. Al Jazeera played a leading role in their taking steps against Qatar.
With no prior warning, in June 2017, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Egypt cut off diplomatic contact with Qatar and imposed an economic blockade. The Saudi-led coalition claimed its primary reason was Qatar’s support of terrorism, interfering in internal affairs and retaining relations with Iran. The countries closed their airspace and ports to the Qataris and the citizens of the three Gulf States in Qatar at the time, had two weeks to leave.
The four countries called themselves the “Anti-Terror Quartet,” and made 13 demands from Qatar in exchange for lifting the blockade. These included reducing diplomatic relations with Iran and closing down Al Jazeera. The blockade failed, however, as could muster neither local nor international support for politically and economically isolating Qatar.
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Tamim, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and UAE National Security Adviser Tahnoon bin Zayed in 2021
(Photo: from X)
In January 2021, 43 months later, the Emir of Qatar, went to Saudi Arabia to the Gulf Cooperation Council summit, and signed a deal to end the blockade, without fully revealing the details of the deal. What’s for sure is that relations with Iran are still going strong, with Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE since renewing relations with Iran.
Over the years, Israeli envoys have gone to UAE to learn about its contacts with Iran. Qatar allows Iranian merchants to operate and even reside in its territory. Al Udeid, however, hosts the largest American air base in the Middle East – designed to keep an eye on Iran.
The break-in and denial
The Al Thani family isn’t in the habit of revealing much about its life. The family’s net worth is estimated at $335 billion. Tamim’s personal fortune is believed to stand at $2 billion. Tamim’s sister Sheikha Mayassa is one of the art world’s most influential people. The family has full control of what the world sees and hears about them. As Admoni puts it, “Those talking don’t know. And those who do know, aren’t talking.”
Last January a picture of the emir’s son, Hamad ibn Tamim, at a London chocolate shop was posted online. It was reported somewhere that, unlike the children of other rulers and senior officials, he wasn’t accompanied by a bodyguard. It also said that the prince was studying in Britain. The picture was taken from an Instagram account operating under the prince’s name with 99 thousand followers. Further photos and video clips have obviously since been uploaded to that account. And he’s not the only one with a social media account. A simple Instagram search will bring up fancy accounts showing a perfect family idyl.
We saw a further example of the emir’s efforts to control his image and what’s said about him in May 2017. Al Jazeera quoted him as supporting Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah and Israel. It also reported him saying, “Our situation with the Israelis is good.” Moments later, however, the news agency claimed it had been hacked and false statements had been transmitted in its name.
“This is one of the very few mistakes that were published,” says Admoni. “It demonstrates quite how closed they are, and quite how much the family controls everything coming out of the country. And the oversight is even tighter when it comes to anything published regarding the emir’s private life.”
The family is widely believed to be run by one woman, Tamim’s mother Sheikha Moza bint Nasser Al-Missned, “holding the reins”. The daughter of Qatari opposition activist Nasser bin Abdullah Al-Missned, she married Hamad at 18 as part of a political arrangement between the Qatari leader and her exiled family, compelling him to give up his rebellious antigovernment activity.
Her fingerprints were also all over the surprising appointment of her son, who as mentioned is not Hamad’s firstborn son. The fact that the Emir of Qatar passed power on to Tamim while he was still alive can also be attributed to her. And she’s currently regarded as one of the strongest women in the Arab world.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s wife sent her a single letter last March asking her “in the spirit of Ramadan” to leverage Qatari power to release the hostages. It’s unclear whether a response was received.