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One may dislike Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to dismiss Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar. Some may see it as a sign of poor judgment, a move driven solely by Netanyahu’s self-interest. Those who have participated in anti-government protests, past or present, will likely see it as yet another reason to despise Netanyahu.
However, putting emotions aside, there is nothing undemocratic about dismissing the head of the Shin Bet. If anything, it is a corrective measure.
Under Ronen Bar’s leadership, the public has been exposed to signs of politicization within the Shin Bet. Not throughout the entire agency, of course — there is no need to throw the baby out with the bathwater — but at least within what appears to be its top ranks.
Bar’s tenure began on the wrong foot. Not through any fault of his own, he was appointed by Naftali Bennett, who spearheaded a political maneuver that effectively ostracized a significant segment of Israeli society and toyed with the country’s democracy. Perhaps from the outset, Bar absorbed the notion that Israel’s democratic system could be manipulated at will, that it was flexible and subject to exploitation.
Cracks in trust
The Bennett-Lapid government didn’t last long. Some would argue it was doomed from the start, born of political sin. Its backers couldn’t withstand the deep rupture within Israeli society, which led to mass protests — driven not only by the judicial overhaul but also by the shattered hope that came with Netanyahu’s return to power and the attempt to pass the reform itself, both inherently democratic processes.
Yet some refused to accept this democracy and it was then that cracks in public trust in the Shin Bet began to appear. The infiltration of politics into the agency became evident: Former Shin Bet chief Yoram Cohen opposed the judicial reform, saying that, in moments of doubt, legal experts should have the final say.
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His successor, Nadav Argaman, actively joined the protests. And Ronen Bar? He remained silent — doing nothing in response to extreme violence against the prime minister or subversive left-wing efforts to topple the government, nor did he push back against statements made by former Shin Bet heads. He likely agreed with them.
Future investigations will need to assess how this politicization affected the Shin Bet in the months leading up to October 7. Beyond the failed security doctrine that prioritized technology over human intelligence and the neglect of fieldwork, deeper questions must be examined.
For example, was Nadav Argaman, who last week boasted about having information on the prime minister, more focused on gathering intelligence on Netanyahu than on Gaza?
Did Ronen Bar, whom Netanyahu has accused of attempted extortion, operate in a similar manner? Did Shin Bet leadership, like segments of the left-wing protest movement, mistakenly perceive Netanyahu — not Hamas — as the greater enemy?
Even if that’s not the case and even if the failure was purely security-related, how can a Shin Bet chief who had no intelligence on Gaza ahead of October 7 claim that there are cases he must investigate, justifying his continued tenure? If there is indeed any issue that requires investigation, surely there are skilled intelligence officers within the Shin Bet who can handle it—many of whom are privately urging Bar to step down.

Behind closed doors, colleagues hint that it is time for him to step aside and allow someone who aligns with the government’s policies and is willing to implement them to take the reins. That is democracy.
If Bar genuinely cares about democracy and the Shin Bet, he should resign and issue a statement along these lines: I accept the government’s decision. I will work to restore the agency’s integrity, correct the damage done by my predecessors and not place my trust in the attorney general.