A guide to the perplexed, for the Likud voter
Likud members have a fine roster of candidates to choose from to represent them in the Knesset. And that list does not include Yariv Levin, who double-crossed Netanyahu, or Yoav Galant, whose political flexibility and willingness to take down others should sound alarm bells.
If I were a Likud member — and let's pretend I am for a minute — I would vote for people who don't shame the party, and who could serve as ministers in a future government. There are also two or three of them that are capable of becoming prime minister. True, none of them is as knowledgeable, savvy and presentable as Netanyahu. However, Netanyahu, in his current distress, is only thinking of himself. He's not considering the people. And soon enough, Israelis will say their farewells to him as he goes off to face the criminal courts.
If I were a member of Likud, I would say: My Likud friends, don't count on the so-called New Likudniks, the movement that wants to change the party from within. They're out to get rid of Netanyahu, but they won't back Gideon Sa'ar as his most obvious replacement.
So who would I choose? In alphabetical order: Ofir Akunis, Nir Barkat, Avi Dichter, Yuli Edelstein, Ze'ev Elkin, Gilad Erdan, Gila Gamliel, Tzachi Hanegbi, Yisrael Katz, Gideon Sa'ar and Yuval Steinitz. I would also choose David Bitan. Yes, I do know he's under police investigation. But he isn't devious and he's not fake — what you see is what you get. He's liked by politicians from both left and right, who hope he will emerge from his investigations unharmed. Bitan is a real friend, approachable and accessible to the public.
I wouldn't choose Yariv Levin. He screwed Netanyahu over twice: once when he scared him away from forming a unity government with then-opposition leader Isaac Herzog, and again when Netanyahu was ready to oppose settlement construction beyond the West Bank barrier and block anti-democratic legislation. Levin threatened him with impeachment. You can imagine Netanyahu's position today had he united forces with Herzog. There would almost surely be less talk of probes and more talk of peace (see prime ministers past for proof).
Levin also testified during the Case 2000 investigation about a suspicious meeting that took place at the prime minister's residence in Jerusalem, which had to do with the proposed law to ban free daily newspapers, commonly known as the Israel Hayom law (in honor of its main target). During his testimony Levin was struck by a curious form of amnesia that only worsened Netanyahu's legal woes. Investigators were astounded by the questionable integrity of a man who aspires to become justice minister.
I wouldn't go near Yoav Galant either, and I advise you to do the same. In recent years Galant was recorded and quoted as warning over and over again about the dangers of the continued Israeli control in the West Bank. He spoke of the obligation to evacuate settlements, and was so blunt and eloquent that it is a wonder that the Labor Party or Meretz didn't snatch him up. He backed the establishment of a Palestinian state, to save the Zionist dream from the looming disaster of a bi-national state. He slammed Naftali Bennett when the former Jewish Home lawmaker proposed the annexation of a quarter of the territories of the West Bank into Israel. But now — who could possibly have imagined — he has slithered like a snake into the Likud Party, preaching the full annexation of the West Bank.
Galant has more of these incidents in his recent past. He "revealed" — without knowing that he was on tape — how former attorney general Yehuda Weinstein and former state comptroller Micha Lindenstrauss blocked his appointment as IDF chief of staff, since they were being extorted, no less! He later phoned Weinstein, crying and begging, to ask for forgiveness.
Only a twisted mind like that of Ehud Barak could have imagined Galant as chief of staff. Well before Barak became a cannabis tycoon, he specialized in psychoactive political moves: he knew Galant would be a weak chief of staff, and suspected him of being a close associate of Netanyahu. Barak wanted an army chief he could manipulate, rather than a captain who knew how to maneuver through the murky waters of the political and military elites.
Galant also made some dark, empty remarks recently, implying that he knew, Gantz hinself knew, and even thousands of IDF officers knew, just why Gantz doesn't speak much. It was a low comment. Galant in fact went so low to try to humiliate Gantz, it's doubtful that members of the Israeli underworld would speak so ill of their rivals.
If indeed things change and, God forbid, the vilified left takes the reins of power — you'll see Galant betraying the Likud Party and taking a sharp left. No doubt he'll encounter Miri Regev there. She's likely to arrive a day before him.