While some believe soccer, or sports in general, acts as a mere barometer of the society in which it exists, the truth runs deeper. Soccer is intricately woven into the cultural fabric, political realities and economic structures of the regions where it thrives.
Take Syria as an example. Before Bashar Assad’s plane could even maneuver evasively en route to Moscow to flee, the Syrian Football Association made an announcement via Facebook. The national team, known as "The Red Eagles," would no longer don their traditional red-and-white uniforms but would switch to green.
A photo of the team in the new green kits accompanied the post, with the association proudly declaring: "This marks a historic shift in Syrian sports. We are moving away from nepotism, corruption and favoritism."
Today, speculation abounds regarding the actions, developments and alliances of Assad’s opposition forces, who have seized Damascus. Similarly, the trajectory of Syrian soccer is equally unknowable. Both the nation and its soccer landscape hold the potential to pioneer democratic reforms, promote the inclusion of women, integrate marginalized minorities and even foster amicable relations with neighboring states.
A divided legacy on the field
During the Arab Spring, sports fans—particularly soccer ultras from across the region—played a central role in uprisings against oppressive regimes in countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria and Syria.
In Syria, dissent against the regime was historically met with brutal suppression. However, in 2012, when the national team faced Japan in a match hosted in Qatar due to the ongoing civil war, Syrian fans were starkly divided. Regime loyalists cheered for the Syrian team, while opposition supporters rooted for Japan. Syria lost the match 2–1, but the seeds of rebellion against Assad had already begun to take root.
Consider Tishreen SC, a soccer club based in the port city of Latakia. By the 2019/20 season, the club had won two championships, and during the peak of the civil war, they achieved three consecutive championship victories.
Whether this was mere coincidence or poetic justice remains debatable, but one cannot ignore the fact that the majority of Tishreen fans are Alawites, the same minority sect to which Assad belongs. The club’s honorary president was Fawwaz Assad, the dictator’s uncle, who used to arrive at the stadium before matches in an open car, flanked by armed soldiers.
Before the world could fully comprehend the events unfolding in Syria, Tishreen was already uploading new photos to its social media accounts. Gone were the images of the old regime. In their place were pictures of the club’s championship trophies, juxtaposed with photos of two former players clad in flak jackets. These players had long since left Tishreen to join the fight against Assad’s regime.
For years, soccer in Syria, like in many dictatorships, served as a propaganda tool for the regime. Now, it seems, the sport is beginning to free itself from those chains. Browsing Syrian soccer fan forums today reveals an air of liberation, joy and, most importantly, optimism.
The striker leading the movement
Omar Al Somah, one of the most prominent stars in Syrian soccer, was suspended in 2012 after he removed his red national team jersey at the end of a match against Iraq and replaced it with a white shirt symbolizing the rebels.
Five years later, when the national team needed his talent in its bid to qualify for the 2018 World Cup in Russia, Al Somah was called back to serve his country. Not only did he deliver critical goals, but he also used his influence to secure the release of former teammates from prison.
After the regime's fall, Al Somah, now playing in the Qatari league, wrote: "Congratulations to the Syrian people, and heartfelt condolences to all who fell at the hands of the Syrian regime. Long live Syria!"
Among the casualties Al Somah referenced were roughly 40 professional players from Syrian leagues who were killed during the civil war. One such player was Jihad Qasab, accused of preparing car bombs. Qasab denied all charges against him but died under torture in 2016 in the infamous Saydnaya military prison.
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Bashar Assad allowed domestic leagues to continue operating, providing citizens with a facade of normality. Yet, this illusion masked a grim reality: goalkeepers were detained in interrogation facilities and later returned to play; players fled as refugees to Turkey and other nations; and others became tools of the regime’s propaganda machine.
In relatively secure cities like Damascus and Latakia, soccer continued as though nothing had changed. Meanwhile, in cities like Homs and Aleppo, stadiums were repurposed as prisons, torture chambers, refugee shelters and even missile launch sites.
A new era for Syrian soccer?
Just as Syria’s bureaucratic institutions are set to undergo sweeping changes, so too are its sports and soccer landscapes. There is a palpable sense of optimism both on the ground and in fan forums. Perhaps some of the country’s exiled stars will return, and maybe the national team will no longer be composed of players selected based on political allegiances.
The Syrian Football Association has already updated its logo, and there is hope that the national team will once again host matches on home soil for the first time since 2010.
Fans, however, have long memories. They will not easily forget incidents like that involving national goalkeeper Ibrahim Alma, who, during a 2018 training camp in Austria, demanded the removal of a fan waving the rebel flag. Alma was later rejected by two Saudi clubs due to his association with the Assad regime.
Nor will fans overlook other players who actively collaborated with the oppressive regime. And on the global stage, many also remember those who remained complicit through silence—like FIFA President Gianni Infantino, who failed to suspend Assad’s team throughout the civil war.